As I neared the whitewashed police academy on Egypt’s Mediterranean coast, the morning drill echoed across the parade grounds. Young Palestinian men in crisp blue uniforms marched in formation—their faces a study in determination rather than defeat. This is where Cairo’s long-game strategy for Gaza’s future is taking physical form.
“We are rebuilding what was destroyed,” Mahmoud Salah told me during a break in training. The 26-year-old from Khan Younis had worked as a traffic officer before the war. “This isn’t about politics. It’s about returning basic security to our streets when this nightmare ends.”
Egypt has quietly trained over 800 Palestinian police officers since July, according to security officials who granted me rare access to the program. The initiative represents Cairo’s most concrete step toward shaping Gaza’s post-conflict governance—a move that balances humanitarian necessity with strategic self-interest.
Colonel Hassan Mahmoud, who oversees the training program, explained its practical focus. “We teach basic policing: traffic management, evidence collection, community relations. These are skills for maintaining civil order, not counterterrorism.” The distinction matters in a region where security forces are often politicized.
The Egyptian government has framed the program as purely humanitarian, but regional analysts see a calculated geopolitical hedge. Dr. Amira Hass from the Cairo Center for Strategic Studies told me, “Egypt wants stability on its border above all. If Gaza collapses into complete lawlessness, the refugee pressure on Sinai becomes unbearable.”
Inside cramped classrooms, Palestinian recruits study criminal procedure while Egyptian instructors emphasize de-escalation techniques. In practical exercises, they rehearse securing aid distribution points—a critical skill given the chaos that has plagued humanitarian operations.
What’s notable is who’s missing from the training grounds. The program deliberately excludes anyone with Hamas affiliations, according to three Egyptian officials who requested anonymity. Recruits undergo extensive background checks before admission, creating a force distinct from Hamas’s security apparatus.
The Palestinian Authority has publicly supported the initiative, sending several senior police administrators to observe the training. “This represents preparation for the day after,” said Nabil Abu Rudeineh, spokesman for PA President Mahmoud Abbas, during a press briefing in Ramallah last week.
But tensions simmer beneath the surface. PA officials privately express concern that Egypt is cultivating direct relationships with Gaza security personnel, potentially undermining Ramallah’s authority. “They’re creating facts on the ground without fully consulting us,” one advisor to Abbas told me, requesting anonymity to discuss sensitive matters.
The United States has tacitly endorsed the program, with State Department spokesperson Jessica Miller calling it “a constructive step toward restoring civilian governance.” European Union officials have gone further, with the bloc providing €12 million in technical support through its EUPOL COPPS police training mission.
For Egypt, the initiative serves multiple objectives beyond humanitarian concerns. “Cairo wants to prevent a security vacuum that militant groups could exploit,” explained Dr. Khaled Elgindy, senior fellow at the Middle East Institute. “They’re also positioning themselves as indispensable regional mediators.”
The program hasn’t escaped controversy. Human rights groups have raised concerns about Egypt’s own police practices influencing training. “We cannot rebuild Gaza’s security sector without addressing past abuses,” Sarah Leah Whitson of Democracy for the Arab World Now told me. “Police reform must include accountability measures.”
Walking through the barracks where recruits sleep four to a room, I noticed maps of Gaza pinned to walls, neighborhoods marked with colored pins indicating infrastructure priorities. These officers aren’t just learning policing—they’re planning for reconstruction.
“The first challenge will be unexploded ordnance,” explained Lieutenant Kareem Masri, who previously worked with Gaza civil defense. “Before we can restore normal policing, we need to make streets safe for civilians to return.”
The economic dimensions are equally pressing. The Gaza Strip’s economy has contracted by nearly 80% since October, according to World Bank figures. Without basic security, commerce can’t resume, creating a dangerous cycle of deprivation.
As training concluded for the day, I watched recruits gather for evening prayers, their conversations mixing technical police terminology with personal stories of family members still in Gaza. The program has become more than security preparation—it’s a rare source of income and purpose for men who’ve lost nearly everything.
Whether these officers will actually deploy remains contingent on diplomatic developments and battlefield conditions. But Egypt’s initiative demonstrates how regional powers are already positioning for Gaza’s uncertain future—preparing capabilities that could shape governance long after the headlines move on.
